Undergraduate Journal of Political Science
The California State Polytechnic University, Pomona Undergraduate Journal of Political Science is our department's scholarly research journal, providing peer-reviewed articles and essays from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered include American politics, public administration, international relations, comparative politics, public law and political theory. The Undergraduate Journal of Political Science is a student-run journal.
Senior Editor-in-Chief 2022:
Nicolas Hernandez-Florez
Junior Editor-in-Chief 2022:
Sofia Rosales
Faculty Advisors:
Dr. Elli Menounou (emenounou@cpp.edu)
Current Issue: Volume 6, Issue 1, Spring 2022
Previous Issues:
Previous Editors:
- 2021: Natalie Kassar and Nicolas Hernandez-Florez
- 2020: Sandra Escobar and Natalie Kassar
- 2018: Kristen Khair and Samara Renteria
- 2017: Tara Kwan and Kristen Khair
- 2016: Tara Kwan
Editors Nicolas Hernandez Florez and Sofia Rosales, in addition to faculty advisor Dr. Menounoum, introduce this volume of the undergraduate journal.
Click here to read (PDF)
In the qualitative examination of global sustainability and housing affordability, research findings point to the relevance of globalization and the spread of Neoliberalism which prevent the attainment of affordable housing in both developed and developing countries across the world. Some of the most prominent barriers surrounding this issue are the methodological issues of public policy, housing development, and affordability measurement standards. The commonality between each of these evolving factors will be empirically studied and compared on an international scale to determine the various impact levels–and to identify possible solutions to the global housing crisis. In conducting this study, social stainability will be measured as the focus for the future of affordable housing development–considering the barriers that exist in assuring the affordability of ‘public housing’ and the stressors that currently limit effective land use planning, policy outcomes, governmental expenditures, and measurement standards for affordability. Socially speaking, the citizens facing these impediments to their survival are struggling to meet the demands of the economy with skyrocketing inflation causing them to be excluded from their communities without reasonable alternatives– which has been found to directly affect political engagement and social well-being in the long run. The demand for affordable housing and decent living standards is not only damaging to the future of the economy, but also to long-term health outcomes lower and middle-class communities.
Living in Los Angeles, visiting a neighborhood park, and taking advantage of recreational space seems like a simple, uncontroversial activity. The ability to easily be in outdoor spaces is something that most will take for granted. As such, the distribution and availability of public parks is not an issue many urban dwellers think about. Yet, as with many contemporary issues in the United States, public park access highlights inequities across racial and socioeconomic lines. For lower-income neighborhoods and communities of color, park inequity is a symptom of, and the catalyst to a multitude of much larger problems. As the US’s second-most populated city, one would hope that LA provides enough recreational space for all its residents. However, this thesis shows that most parks and other green spaces in LA are concentrated in wealthy, majority-white neighborhoods, leaving the remaining residents with unequal and inequitable access to what is commonly considered a public good and a human right. This creates a gap in public health, leading to higher reported rates of obesity, poor mental health, and general quality of life. Through new use of public funds, change in policy, and community-oriented design for urban parks, this inequity in Los Angeles can be a thing of the past.
Marijuana is a schedule one restricted substance, which means there is no federally
recognized safe medical usage for it and it is labeled as carrying a high potential for abuse
(Mead, 2017). Despite this federally recognized ban thirty-six states have legalized
marijuana for medical usage. (Garcia, Hanson, 2021) This is frankly unprecedented
as federal law takes precedence over state law. However, this has been the way legislation
in this area has continued through multiple administrations and policy shifts. Which of course gives rise to the question of why this has come to be. Many feel that political party is the driving factor in how legislators respond to legalization efforts and that this may be partially to blame for the current state of legalization. This paper looks at the question: Is party allegiance a significant factor in the decision by lawmakers to legalize marijuana and if so can that explain why legalization has been led by the states? This research seeks to prove whether or not there is a strong connection between political party and how the citizens and state legislators have acted in regard to legalization laws and whether this may be used to predict the actions of the federal legislature and perhaps understand the reason they have not passed legislation on the legalization issue at this time. The main investigative method used in this research was data collection and analysis. Each state which has legalized marijuana for medical or recreational use had data collected on the political party make-up of the citizens and state legislators as well as the voting record on the laws in question to try and find a correlation between the two. The data collected shows that the most likely answer appears to be that while political party does play a role in voting behavior it is not as strong an indicator as initially predicted. People are not strictly divided along party lines on this issue and there is more room for debate to perhaps change people’s minds than was initially expected.
This study analyzes the effectiveness of counterterrorism policy by the United States to address the recent increased trend of alarming domestic attacks carried out by Racially and Ethnically Motivated Violent Extremism (REMVE). U.S. counterterrorism policies are closely analyzed to identify the most successful means of combating REMVE in the 21st century, as the threat landscape posed by REMVE has changed to encompass primarily white-identity terrorism and other types of right-wing extremist. Each of these counterterrorism policies are examined through an empirical case study, measuring the U.S. ability to effectively detect, disrupt, and dismantle REMVE networks and cells. The results from this study suggest a comprehensive multi-agency approach in coordination with domestic and international institutions must be taken in order to effectively combat the increased threat posed by REMVE in the 21st Century.